Initial variables of the data collection process:
UN/UN peacekeeping policy reform
No record.
Perception of peacekeeping
No record.
Domestic political environment
Swaziland has maintained its traditional system of a dual monarchy, with the king or Ngwenyama (lion) ruling in conjunction with the queen mother or Ndlovukazi (she-elephant) (EIU 2006ap, 4). Political parties were banned when the constitution was suspended in 1973 (Ibid.). Despite the implementation of a new constitution in 2006, there is still confusion over whether the ban on political parties is still in force (Ibid.).
In practice, the king’s powers are subject to checks within the complex traditional system, the inner workings of which are unclear. As well as ruling in conjunction with the queen mother, his natural mother, Ntombi, King Mswati III is surrounded by numerous princes and traditional advisers. He appears to be severely constrained and unable to take a major decision without consulting widely among the conservatives, including the Swaziland National Council (SNC), which controls access to him. Within the traditionalist inner circle there are separate factions behind the king and the queen mother. (Ibid., 6)
The dominant political culture is conservative, which influences broad political and economic policy (Ibid., 7).
Policy formulation is constrained by the duality of modern institutions—the prime minister, cabinet and civil service in Mbabane—and the traditional authorities in the royal palace. The system is slow to convert policy into legislation and then to implement it because of the influence of traditional bodies and the process of consultation and approval required. The legal system, based on Roman-Dutch law, resembles that of South Africa. The High Court and Court of Appeal have always included retired South African judges. (Ibid.)
The implementation of the new constitution is not expected to lead to any real transformation of the political system, unless the modernists can successfully press for political parties to be allowed (EIU 2006cm, 1).
Domestic economic environment
Swaziland’s economy is based on agriculture and agro-industry, mainly sugar, citrus and wood pulp (EIU 2006ap, 13). Growth sectors include soft-drink concentrates, food products, textiles and paper products. Coal is the major mineral (Ibid.). Since independence Swaziland has adhered to relatively prudent macroeconomic management, based on free-market principles with little government intervention, although economic policymaking cannot be divorced from the country’s complex political structure (Ibid., 14). Economic policy is aimed at attracting foreign investment and at diversifying revenue sources (Ibid.). Nevertheless, “many Swazis live in chronic poverty and food shortages are widespread” (BBC 2006bd, par. 6). AIDS is taking a heavy toll with more than 40% of the population believed infected with HIV (Ibid.). The virus has killed many workers and farmers and has created thousands of orphans (Ibid.) Life expectancy has plummeted (Ibid.).
Military affairs
The Umbutfo Swaziland Defence Force has fewer than 3,000 personnel and functions as a border patrol and an internal security force (Thomson 2006v, par. 6). A royal guard battalion was formed in 1982 (Ibid.). Military expenditures for 2001–02 were $20 million or 4.8% of GDP (Ibid.).
Foreign policy
Swaziland has adopted a cautious foreign policy and it is more important to consider other nations’ policies towards Swaziland (EIU 2006ap, 9). Swaziland has signed the African Union Charter stipulating that national constitutions include a bill of rights, but Swaziland’s most important watchdogs lie outside the region (Ibid.). On these grounds, Swaziland is not a candidate for participating in UN peacekeeping. The US, the EU and various pressure groups will closely monitor the implementation and interpretation of the new constitution, particularly with regard to clauses guaranteeing freedom of expression and assembly (Ibid.). Swaziland has ten diplomatic missions abroad (Ibid., 10).
Additional variables found after the preliminary analysis:
Climate changes
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by DPKO to seek troops
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by contributor countries to engage non-contributor countries
No record.
Meetings organized by other international organizations to engage in dialogue about peacekeeping
No record.
